- On the occasion of the 800th anniversary of the Žiče monastery -

The oldest original data unequivocally testify that already in the early Middle Ages, there was a ruling family in Serbia, under whose leadership the Serbs came to the area of the former Roman Illyricum and founded their own state. The Serbian rulers, the Byzantine emperor Constantine VII Porphyrogenitus, the author of the oldest reliable and relatively extensive "news" about the Serbs, denoted by an unspecified term - archons.[1] In historical science, it is accepted that the mentioned title is translated by the Slavic word - knez. According to him, the principle of primogeniture was applied in the Serbian ruling family, which would mean that, at least in principle, the supreme power was inherited by the ruler's eldest son.[2] It goes without saying that this principle was often challenged.

We do not have any information about the way Serbian rulers were enthroned in the first centuries of life in the new homeland. A higher, royal state status was won in the coastal areas of Serbian lands, in the 11th century. Mihailo, son of Stefan Vojislav, ruler of Duklje, Travunia and Zahumlje, was titled as king in a papal letter from 1077. Mihailo "King of the Slavs" received a promise from the Pope that he would be sent the flag of St. Petra, one of the famous symbols of royal authority awarded by the papal see.[3] It was at this time that the papal legate invested the Croatian king Dmitri Zvonimir, in 1075, presenting him with a flag, a sword, a scepter and a crown.[4] It cannot be determined if and when Mihailo Dukljanski came into possession of the aforementioned royal insignia. In the small, abandoned church of St. Mihaila near Ston, in the portrait of the founder, he is shown with a dark red, cylindrical crown on his head and red shoes.[5]

When the center of political power in the Serbian states moved to the continental hinterland in Raška in the 12th century, the seat of the great prefects of Raška in the church of St. Peter and Paul, near Ras, became the source and outlet of the highest power, symbolic and real. [6] The most frequently mentioned sign of supreme power in the Serbian Middle Ages – the throne, was associated early on with the name and prestige of the great prefect of Raš, Stefan Nemanja, the progenitor of the ruling line. The throne in Ras became a state symbol.[7] Stefan Nemanja already considered himself an independent, "autonomous" ruler, who interpreted his authority as God's mercy, not attributing it to the will of any earthly authority.[8] The enthronement of the great prefects in the church of St. Peter in Ras, it was performed with a church ceremony led by the bishop. The peculiarity of the enthronement of Stefan, Nemanja's son in 1196, was the fact that Nemanja, who had voluntarily abdicated immediately before that act - crowned, i.e. "married" and blessed the heir's son, together with Bishop Callinicus, by laying hands on the head of the new ruler.[9] In this grand county coronation, i.e. called a "wedding" in the dictionary of the Middle Ages, a wreath was used, which was significantly different from the crown of the Byzantine emperors - the coat of arms.[10]

St. Sava, fresco from Manasija Monastery

A groundbreaking moment in the history of the crowning of rulers among the Serbs, is the coronation of Stefan the First Crowned in 1217 with the royal crown that arrived from Rome as a gift from the Roman Pope Honorius III. It was a great success of the Serbian ruler. In the hierarchy of European, Christian rulers, he was equaled with other kings and thus Serbia gained full sovereignty.[11] True, complete sovereignty was confirmed two years after the coronation act, when the autocephalous Serbian archbishopric with Savo Nemanjić, the "leader of the fatherland" at the head, was also obtained.[12] A favorable position in the Orthodox ecumenism required a new coronation in the spirit of the Byzantine tradition. "The rite of royal coronation and anointing in Žiča was part of the whole program of the sacred foundation of the state of Nemanjić."[13] Archbishop Sava prepared the newly built Žiča, over whose construction he watched over together with his brother Stefan, for the great act of coronation, making sure that it became holy "the chest in which the relics of the Eastern Christian world are stored."[14] The most precious and significant relic for the subject we are dealing with was the right hand of St. John the Forerunner, especially used in the coronation ceremony of the Byzantine emperors.[15]

When Archbishop Sava, in 1221, in the most solemn way in the Žiči monastery, crowned Brother Stefan with a "God-gifted wreath", simultaneously anointing him, the basis for the "co-capitalship" of the bearers of supreme secular and spiritual authority was created. Next to the ruler's throne, already consecrated with a "blessed wreath", stood the archbishop's throne, later called the "throne of St. Sava".

By the charter of King Stefan the Crowned, written on the walls of Žiča, it was determined that the church of St. Spasa in Žiča, will be the place where Serbian kings will be "married" and crowned and the heads of the Serbian autocephalous archbishopric will be ordained. The vow of the first-married king was followed by his sons Radoslav (1228-1233) and Vladislav (1234-1243), who were crowned in the mother of the Serbian churches, the archbishopric center in Žiča, by their uncle, the archbishop of Sava.[16] We can assume that the wish of the father Stefan the First-Winged was also respected by the youngest son Uroš I (1243-1276). If the circumstances related to the coronation of King Uroš I are unknown to us, the same cannot be said for many facts that speak about his ruling status. During the long and successful reign of the "rugged king", Uroš I, Serbia was constantly on the rise - socially, culturally, economically. This was also reflected in the sphere of the ruler's ideology, in which the royal regalia and insignia in general are certainly not in the last place. While the first kings of the Nemanjic line: Stefan Prvovenčani, Radoslav and Vladislav wear a simple crown, of the sevastokrator stematogyrion type[17], Uroš I appears at the processions with new signs of rulership that bring him closer to the appearance of the Byzantine emperors. It is painted with a halo (nimbus) around the head and a crown that resembles the crest of the Roman basileus, although the absence of vertical arches and orphanos separates it from the imperial model.[18]

King Uroš I and "young king", the elder son Dragutin on fresco from Sopoćani Monastery

The elder son and successor of Uroš I, Dragutin is depicted on the east wall of the narthex of the Sopoćana monastery, as a young king, dressed and crowned like his father.[19] Dragutin is the first Nemanjić with the official title of "young king", which reflects the undoubted Hungarian influence. Given that he later took over the throne in a revolt, and that Archbishop Ioannikije remained faithful to the old king and accompanied Uroš in exile, a number of questions arise regarding the place and manner of Dragutin's coronation.

At the assembly in Deževa, in the region of Rasa, in 1282, there was a handover of power between the brothers - Dragutin and Milutin. Realizing the physical injury as God's punishment, deserved by stealing power from his father, Dragutin handed over the royal insignia to his younger brother Milutin, at the state assembly, apparently without significant participation of Church representatives.[20] On this occasion, the sources listed the signs of the ruler in the most detailed manner; Dragutin handed over the following regalia to Milutin: crown, throne, gold-woven suit and belt, horse and weapons.[21]

During the almost four decades of King Milutin's reign, Serbia was constantly expanding. This period between the 13th and 14th centuries is a turning point in many respects. Stefan Uroš II Milutin, born into the Byzantine imperial family, ruling an enlarged territory that also included some old Byzantine city and church centers, took over the entire Byzantine imperial symbolism - the crown and regalia. The deep Byzantineization of Milutin's state also found expression in the king's attitude towards the ruler's insignia. They are equated with the ruling signs of the Byzantine basileus. From now on, the crown is of the imperial-Byzantine camelaukion type.[22] This is especially visible in the portrait of Stefan Uroš II Milutin in Bogorodica Ljeviška, the cathedral church in Prizren, where he is depicted on a red background in the black jacket of the Byzantine emperors, with a domed crown - stema on his head, decorated with orphanos and prependuli, like the crown of the king's father-in-law. Roman emperor Andronikos II Paleologus. A loros draped over his left hand holding a red acacia in the form of a scroll and a jeweled cross-shaped scepter in his right hand complete the representational depiction of the ruler, whose authority is "independent and God-given".[23] Christ from a segment of the sky blesses the Serbian rulers: Milutin and his father Uroš I, while on the opposite wall, the founder of the dynasty Simeon Nemanja is depicted as a monk, with outstretched arms protecting his descendants, Archbishop Sava, Stefan the First Crowned and (probably) the future ruler Stefan Dečanski.[24]

In the church of St. Đorđe in Stari Nagoričin, on the founder's portrait celebrating the victories of the warriors of King Milutin, won against the Turks in Asia Minor, St. Đorđe, the protector of warriors, brings a sword to the Serbian king. Thus, a new motif appears in the iconography of the Serbian ruler's portrait - the investiture of the ruler with a sword.[25] Milutin and Queen Simonides stand on purple cushions decorated with golden double-headed eagles, the symbol of the Byzantine emperors.[26] In the portrait in his main endowment in Gračanica, King Milutin receives insignia from heaven. Angels as Christ's messengers bring crowns to the "new Constantine" - King Milutin and Queen Simonida.[27]

The oldest surviving composition of Loza Nemanjić was painted in Gračanica to celebrate King Milutin and confirm the rights of his heirs. The central figure of Loza is King Milutin given in the scene of the heavenly investiture, while Nemanja, Stefan Prvovenčani and King Uroš are also singled out as the main representatives of the holy-born dynasty. Their ruler's signs are of a higher order compared to those of the members of Nemanja's dynasty, who are shown in more modest regalia. By the will of King Milutin, his brother Dragutin was placed in the group of less prominent members of the ruling family, and Milutin's son Konstantin appeared as a possible successor, while the figure of Stefan, the later king of Dečan, was not painted at all.[28]

A few months after the sudden death of King Milutin (October 29, 1321), his previously exiled and blinded son Stefan was crowned Serbian king. The ceremony was performed on Epiphany on January 6, 1322 in Pec, in the church of St. Apostle. The extraordinarily educated and gifted former abbot of Hilandar, Archbishop Nikodim, officiated in the presence of the clergy, rulers and heir to the throne Dušan.[29] The change of the coronation place was influenced by the destruction of Žiča, at the time of the Bulgarian-Tatar invasion, at the end of the 13th century. The chair of the archbishop was then moved to a remote and protected metoch of Žiča, to a church complex that sprung up in Ždrelo Pećka. However, it should be mentioned that this relocation was considered temporary and that Žiča never lost its primacy and importance as an archbishop's center in the Middle Ages.[30] Peć, the former metoch, was identified with Žiča and the name of the older monastery was transferred to it: "Dom Spasov". ) dining in Peja, they were rebuilding the burnt and deserted Žiča.

King Stefan Dečanski and King Dušan, fresco from Dečani Monastery

Defending the throne in the battle against his brother Constantine and soon becoming a widower, Stefan Uroš III of Dečanski, like his father, married Maria, daughter of the long-time governor of Thessaloniki, John Paleologus, nephew of Emperor Andronikos II, from the Byzantine imperial family Paleologus.[32] Among the frescoes that preserve his image, the sepulchral portraits in the endowment of Stefan Uroš III - the temple of Pantokrator in Decani are particularly significant. In the double portrait of the founder with his son Dušan, Stefan Dečanski is in Byzantine imperial clothes, with a crest on his head.[33] The portrait speaks of the heavenly blessing and the higher origin of their power.[34]

In the portrait that was painted after Stefan Dečanski was declared a saint, right next to the altar partition, the king has a nimbus, a high open trapezoidal crown and full regalia. In the joint portrait of Stefan Dečanski and Dušan above the portal of Dečan, "a visual comparison of the Serbian rulers with David and Solomon", the Old Testament Jewish emperors, with whom medieval writers often and happily compared the Nemanjic autocrats, was realized.[35]

A late testimony from the second half of the 16th century preserves the memory of the coronation of Stefan Uroš III. On the icon of Zograf Longinus from 1577, it is shown how Archbishop Nikodim crowns Dečanski in Pec, with a Byzantine coat of arms, while the king stands on a red pillow. In the central part of the icon, Dečanski sits on a throne with all the insignia of the Vasileus, with a high trapezoidal crown on his head. Christ blesses the king from a segment of heaven, and angels bring him stemma and loros.[36] The suggestive life of the king, the work of Grigori Camblak, certainly contributed to the fact that the cult of Stefan Dečanski was alive and well even in distant "Turkish" times.[37]

Crowned as a young king, together with his father Stefan Uroš III in 1322 in Pec, Stefan Dušan gained the royal throne in 1331 after a successful rebellion, in the circumstances that followed his great-grandfather's death! At the assembly of nobility and clergy, in the "second court of Nemanjić" in Svrčin in the south of Kosovo, Dušan was crowned king.[38] Svrčin was located in a residential complex, together with Pauni and Nerodimlje (or Porodimlje), near the lake into which Nerodimka flowed, and from which Sitnica emerged. Staying in Skopje and Prizren, the Serbian kings gave more and more importance to the castles near the Svrčina Lake.[39]

Even as a king, he was painted with a crossed loros (e.g. in the Sopočan outer porch, between 1338-1346), which, in combination with a special type of crown, such as was painted in Lesnovo, after 1347, speaks (possibly) of the king's deification and later emperor, which began already after the victory at Velbužd and the first conquests in 1334.[40]

St. Stefan Dečanski, icon, Longinus, 16th century

In the concept of government and in general the way the state is organized, the proclamation of the Empire in 1346, i.e. the elevation "from a kingdom to an Orthodox empire" represents a decisive turning point.[41] The conquest of vast Byzantine territories and especially the control of Mount Athos, an area of special importance for the Orthodox world, became the basis of Stefan Dušan's imperial pretensions. The ruler himself understands his state as a composite one, composed of the "first crown" of old Serbian lands and the "second crown" of newly acquired Greek areas.[42]

The conquest of Seres and Khalkidhiki had a decisive influence on Dušan's decision to declare himself emperor. "In all likelihood, on Christmas (December 25) 1345, Dušan was solemnly proclaimed emperor in the city of Seru."[43] According to ancient tradition, the places from which the imperial (as well as the royal) crown could be obtained could not be approved by Rome and Constantinople. this imperial "self-proclamation". That's why a different path was taken. With the presence of the heads of the three autocephalous churches of Srpska, Ohrid and Trnovska, Serbian Archbishop Joanikije was proclaimed patriarch in the first months of 1346. Conditions have now been created for Stefan Dušan to be crowned emperor in Skopje on Easter 1346 according to the Byzantine ceremony. The imperial crown was handed over to Dušan by Serbian Patriarch Joanikije and Patriarch Simeon of Trno with the blessing of the Serbian, Bulgarian and part of the Greek archbishops, the protaat of Mount Athos, and all the abbots and most distinguished monks of Mount Athos.[44] The most valuable blessing, the universal Patriarch of Constantinople, was missing.

In the Serbian court and archbishopric circles, the Ohrid Archbishop's participation in Dušan's imperial coronation was held in particular.[45] However, Stefan Dušan recognized the supremacy of the Byzantine emperor, so on the eve of the proclamation of his own empire, he recognized and confirmed the right of the "holy fathers" from Mount Athos to always mention the emperor Romeo in the first place, and only in the second place the Serbian ruler.[46] Since, in principle, the imperial crown is not inherited in the family, Stefan Dušan points out in his documents that his transition "from the kingdom to the Orthodox empire" happened by God's will and grace, and he received the imperial crown from the hands of Christ.[47] "The Serbian imperial title was immediately recognized by Bulgaria and the small but influential Sveta Gora, while Venice and Dubrovnik only welcomed the Serbian ruler's decision." For the Bosnian ban and lord, Dušan was the "Esar of Ras".[48]

In the West, of course, only the Roman-German emperor was legitimate, as in the East it was the Byzantine ruler. In Byzantium, a formula known since the time of the Bulgarian ruler Simeon's claim to the imperial title was applied. Dušan was, rather tacitly, recognized only as the emperor of Serbia, as it is explicitly stated in a charter of John V Palaeologus from July 1351.[49]

In a formal sense, Stefan Dušan was in a dominant relationship with his son Uroš, to whom he gave the title of king, thus nurturing the Serbian tradition of the kingdom, which has continued continuously since the time of Stefan the Crowned. According to the words from the Charter accompanying his famous Code, Dušan himself joined the series of "Greek" emperors, which began with the holy emperor Constantine. This is how the universal, ecumenical pretensions of Stefan Dušan, who saw himself as the ruler of the Orthodox nations, were most eloquently expressed.[50]

The ruler signs themselves, with the transition from kingdom to empire, did not change much. "On the imperial portraits of Nemanjić, the akakia is depicted as a white scroll tied with a red thread, (previously it was marked with a red color), while the loros is crossed on the chest and the calota of the crown is cut into two parts and decorated with orphanos on the section."[51] [iroka a ribbon decorated with precious stones - loros, known among Serbs as diadems, descended vertically along the sakos, wrapped around the body, and one end was draped over the emperor's left hand. In Serbia, as well as in Byzantium in the 14th century, the imperial status was emphasized by crossing the loros on the chest.[52] Stefan Dušan, still as king, was shown for the first time with a crossed loros - diadem in the church of St. Đorđe in Pološki, in the scene of investiture with a sword, with a representative stem on his head. He wears a similar crown in the famous portrait in Lesnovo.[53]

Titled first according to ancestral custom as a young king, Uroš, son of Dušan, has been holding the royal title since 1346, from the time of the joint coronation in Skopje. At least nominally, if not essentially, the royal (Uroš) lands differed from the imperial (Dušan) lands, bordering each other in the Skopje region.[54]

Thus, a new institution of sovereignty was introduced. Immediately after Dušan's death, and no later than January 10, 1356, Uroš was crowned emperor in circumstances that are not known in detail to us.[55] In any case, Uroš was the designated heir to the throne, and his rights were known and indisputable. He was about 19 years old at the time of his coronation.

Estimating that the time of change on the throne is suitable for bold actions to realize earlier claims, the Byzantine nobles managed to separate the southern territories of Epirus and Thessaly, inhabited by Greeks, Vlachs, Slavs and Arbanians. Emperor Dušan's half-brother, the despot Simeon (Siniša) declared himself in Kastoria (Kostur) in Macedonia "Emperor of the Romans and the Serbs".[56] He later conquered Thessaly and Epirus, where he left a lot of traces, especially in the Meteora monasteries. He tried to combine Byzantine and Serbian traditions, as a descendant of Paleologus and Nemanjić.[57]

Emperor Dušan, fresco from Lesnovo Monastery - North Macedonia

In the middle of the seventh decade of the 14th century, at the time of the weakening of the central government, the powerful Mrnjavčević lords - Vukašin and Uglješa - rose up. In the circumstances when prince Vojislav Vojinović, despot Dejan and despot Jovan Oliver suddenly disappeared from life and history, emperor Uroš, not mature enough for the circumstances, unable to impose his own authority, relied on the powerful brothers - Vukašin and Uglješa, whose possessions and sphere of influence were tied mainly for Macedonia and part of the old Serbian lands. In August or September 1365, Vukašin was elevated to the position of ruler, with the title of king, and somehow at the same time, Uglješa was crowned with the title of despot, taking over power in Ser, from Empress Jelena, mother of Emperor Uroš.[58] There is no information in the sources about the actual act of crowning Vukašin with the royal crown. Archival and numismatic data confirm that between Emperor Uroš and King Vukašin, a co-ruling relationship was established. A coin has been preserved with the inscription VROSIUS IMPERATOR (Uroš Tsar) on the face and the royal title on the reverse.[59] Representative portraits of Emperor Uroš and King Vukašin, in the vestibule of the Church of St. Nicholas in Psača, the endowment of Sevastokrator Vlatko, testify to the above. Emperor Uroš is represented on the right side, with a richly decorated stem, orphanos and prependuli, dressed in a ceremonial divition with a loros, a cross with three bars in the right hand and an akakia - a scroll in the left hand. King Vukašin is dressed the same and with the same insignia.[60]

It is an interesting fact that during the lifetime of Emperor Uroš and King Vukašin, the son of Vukašin, Marko - Marko Kraljević of our folk songs and folk traditions in general, bore the title of young king! that Vukašin's presence, strengthened by the royal title, did not contribute to the strengthening of the central government. The Mrnjavčevićs still remained essentially powerful regional lords, with the fact that now after the coronation, the centers of Vukašin's area became Skopje and Prizren, and later perhaps Priština and Novo Brdo.[62] Thanks to extensive family ties, Mrnjavčević's influence continued to spread.

After the Battle of Marička on September 26, 1371, in which Vukašin and Uglješa were killed in a skirmish with the Turks, Marko, Vukašin's son, inherited the title of king and for a time, indeed, was the ruler of Emperor Uroš for a short time.

Marko retained the title of king even after Uroš's death, in December 1371, but essentially his influence was limited to a narrow area in Western Macedonia.[63] He soon recognized the supreme authority of the Turkish sultan, having previously been deprived of the possibility of being accepted as the successor of the sacred lineage, to which he did not belong.[64]

Significant portraits of kings Vukašin and Marko are located in the temple of St. Archangel in Prilep and the monastery of St. Dimitri in Sušica near Skopje - better known as Mark's monastery. King Vukašin is on the fresco in the temple of St. Archangel in Prilep, in full regalia with a domed stem on his head, while King Marko in white clothes, which is a sign of mourning for his dead father, wears a high, open crown, which looks eight-sided, with double bows - prependuli and an uneven upper edge. It is assumed that this type of crown was worn by young kings in Serbia in the 14th century before being crowned with a stem.[65]

In 1964, the founder portraits of Vukašin and Marko were discovered in the monastery of St. Dimitrija in Sušica near Skopje. King Vukašin is in division with a loros and a domed stem. He holds an unrolled scroll in his right hand. King Marko in purple divition with retinue in left hand, holding a large chained horn in right hand. Here, the horn is a symbol of the coronation and anointing ceremony of the king of the Serbs, as the new David. Over the previously existing wide-open crown, a dome-shaped stem with pearl prependuli was painted.[66]

After the disappearance of Mrnjavčević, King Vukašin and the despot Uglješa, with the defeat at Marica and the marginalization of the position of King Marko, a Turkish vassal, the importance of the lords in the old Serbian lands, north of [ar-mountain, increased. Prince Lazar soon gained the greatest reputation among them. After in 1373, together with the Bosnian ban Tvrtko I Kotromanić, he destroyed, "scattered", his main rival in the western Serbian areas, Nikola Altomanović, Prince Lazar began to expand his power unhindered, primarily in the wide areas near the Three Moravians. His titles and signatures from that time testify that he considered himself the supreme Serbian ruler. "Lord of all Serbia, self-governing lord of Serbia", and especially the use of the royal, ruler's name Stefan - "Stefan Lazar, Stefan knez Lazar", tells us that Prince Lazar Hrebeljanović considered his authority as a ruler's dignity, which he received from God, in a sacred way with the participation of the church.[67] This would further mean that Prince Lazar was "consecrated by some valid church rite and installed as a ruler with an appropriate ritual."[68]

Unfortunately, today we do not know when and where Prince Lazar was crowned as the "sovereign gentleman of the Serbian land", nor what kind of crown it was. The support of the church was crucial in raising and consolidating Prince Lazar in power. The prince paid attention to the church with tireless endowments, which placed him alongside the Nemanjic rulers. His role in reconciling the Serbian church hierarchy with the universal church in Constantinople is well known.[69] Nevertheless, the fact that he never dared to claim the title of emperor or king, but contented himself with the modest title of prince, speaks volumes about Lazarus' restraint and respect for tradition. His portraits in the Ravanica and Ljubostinja monasteries also confirm the aforementioned. In his own endowment in Ravanica, Prince Lazar is shown in a ceremonial sakos, decorated with circular azdia (circles with inscribed double-headed eagles), with a rich maniac (necklace), peribrachions (bands around the arm), bracelets, with a diadem (loros) over his left hand. In his hands he holds a scepter in the form of a very elongated cross and a white acacia that resembles a scroll. On his head is a wide open, unusual crown without hanging strings - prependuli. You can't see the purple cushion under your feet.[70]

Princess Milica is in the same suit as the prince, with an open, very wide crown with a veil, which falls from the crown to her shoulders. The scepter in her hand cannot be fully determined, but appears to be in the form of a pearl-studded branch, such as was commonly worn by female rulers in the 14th century.[71]

By analyzing these portraits, we can conclude that Lazar and Milica are depicted as a ruling couple, but still of a lower rank than the imperial and royal ones. Regional lords were portrayed in such a way, with some hints of the prince's political ambitions.[72] Prince Lazar does not have a crown on his head, and Princess Milica's crown only looks like an imperial crown. It is not the crown of Byzantine and Serbian empresses and queens.[73] And in the posthumous portrait in Ljubostinja, Prince Lazar wears an open, high crown without prependuli, but with all other signs of royal dignity.[74]

During the domination of the regional lords, after the extinguishing of the holy lineage of Nemanjić, seeing that the Serbian land "does not have its own shepherd", the Bosnian ban Tvrtko crowned himself with a "sugubi" wreath in 1377, most likely in Mileseva, the place of the special cult of St. Sava, considering himself the heir of the Serbian ruling family. "He is crowned with the gifted crown of the kingdom of his forefathers", since "Stefan was appointed by God to be King of Serbia and Bosnia and the Sea and the Western Regions". Bosnia.[76] However, the assumption that the coronation may have taken place in Žiča has also been made.[77]

Almost nothing can be said about the rite of Tvrtko's coronation itself![78] The only thing is that it was performed according to the Orthodox rite. Tvrtko did not even think of crowning himself with the imperial crown, primarily because his sizer, the Hungarian king Lajos - Ludovik, who did not normally recognize the imperial title, neither Dušan nor Uros, would not agree with it.[79] The adoption of the Serbian ruler's name Stefan is characteristic. It was later worn by all Bosnian kings. Tvrtko himself used it in the form Stefan Tvrtko, and even just Stefan.[80] At the same time, the names of titles taken from the Serbian environment, from the time of the Kingdom, appeared at Tvrtko's court: protovestijar, logotet, stavilac. The titles and ranks of despot, emperor and sevastokrator, which were awarded by the Serbian emperors - were omitted.[81]

Venetian and Dubrovnik documents from later times testify that Tvrtko's heirs were already understood as exclusively Bosnian rulers, despite the name Stefan and the official title.[82] The fact that at the beginning of the 15th century in Bosnia, in the royal city of Bobovac, a certain crown was kept and especially respected, leads us to think that maybe it is the same crown with which Tvrtko was once crowned in Mileseva!?[83] Many questions related to the coronation of Bosnian rulers, remain in the domain of assumptions. It is certain that in Serbian, ecclesiastical circles, Tvrtko's attempt to continue the Nemanjic traditions could not gain support given the unclear status of the Bosnian ruler in religious terms. Only kinship with Nemanjići and undoubted belonging to Orthodoxy gave legitimacy to the pretender to royal honor among the Serbs.[84]

Prince Stefan Lazarević, the son and heir of the Kosovo martyr Prince Lazar, was honored with the ruling dignity of "great prince" at the state assembly at the time of his coming of age. The patriarch acted and blessed Stefan, who was named "autocrat" and ruler of the Serbs.[85]

For a long time languishing in the shadow of the Turkish-Hungarian interrooms, pressed by the painful and dangerous obligations of the sultan's vassal, Stefan Lazarević achieved despotic dignity after the battle of Angora in 1402. Returning to his homeland, after honorably fulfilling his vassal debt, Prince Stefan stopped by Constantinople, where he was "married" with a despotic crown by the Byzantine emperor John VII Palaeologus in August of the same year, 1402. [86] The title of despot, the highest after that of emperor, was rarely conferred and retained its appeal for members of the Byzantine cultural circle.[87]

In Byzantium, the possession of a despot's crown, "an embroidered textile cap decorated with pearls and precious stones with a metal hoop", was not connected to the performance of any service, nor was the title of despot hereditary. Vasileus Romei himself conferred the title of despot at a ceremony in the imperial court. The future despot was dressed in red or purple clothing, red stockings, and two-tone, red and white shoes with eagles embroidered with pearls.[88]

Certainly, the despotic title contributed to the strengthening of Stefan's position in Serbia itself. On the international level, accepting the despot's "dream" meant recognizing the supremacy of the Byzantine emperor, but retaining one's own sovereignty.[89]

A Turkish vassal until the Battle of Angora and the death of Sultan Bayazit, prince-despot Stefan Lazarević became a vassal of the Hungarian king Sigismund of Luxembourg from the end of 1403 or the beginning of 1404.[90] Despot Stefan received (for the second time) the title of despotic dignity from the Byzantine emperor Manoilo II Paleologus in 1410.[91] A multiple vassal and, despite that, the sovereign master of Serbia, Stefan Lazarevic in his most significant endowment to the Manasija monastery, in the nave of the church of St. The Trinity, on the west wall, within the foundational composition, is shown receiving the crown from Christ's hand in the investiture scene. "He holds a cross with two bars in his right hand and stands on a purple pillow." He is dressed in a sax with double-headed eagles and a mantle... on his head he wears a high, open six-sided crown, decorated with pearls, with a wavy upper edge (the prependuli are not clearly visible).”[92]

After the canonization of the Kosovar martyr Prince Lazar, his son Prince Stefan was called "the offshoot of the new holy root". Since he came from a secondary branch of Nemanjić on his mother's side, he strove to highlight his descent from two sacred lineages, the old and the new. He liked to call himself the son of "the holy Prince Lazar" and the great-grandson of Stefan Nemanja.[93]

At the assembly of rulers in the mine Srebrnica, which he convened together with the patriarch, despot Stefan made public the decision on the appointment of a successor. His cousin Đurađ becomes the heir to the throne, since he himself was childless.[94] Later, he had to defend his choice as a vassal, before the king of Hungary, Sigismund. After the sudden death of the despot Stefan in July 1427, Đurađ Branković entered into a vassal relationship with King Sigismund of Luxembourg in the same year in Belgrade, with an extremely solemn ceremony, and at the same time was recognized by him as the ruler of Serbia.[95] Since 1428, he has been in a vassal relationship with the Ottoman sultan. Thus, the relationship of double vassalage was established again. Đurađ Branković was accepted by both great powers, on which Serbia depended, Hungary and Turkey, with the obligation to perform multiple vassal duties towards their subjects.[96] In the summer of 1429, at the time when the construction of Smederevo was being completed, the envoy of the Byzantine emperor John VIII Paleologus, Georgije Philantropin, brought despotic signs to Đurđ Branković. (In the same way, in 1447, the mentioned Philantropin will introduce Đurđe's youngest son Lazar to the dignity of despot).[97] Since then, the Serbian ruler was most often referred to as "Đurađ, by the grace of God, the despot of the Kingdom of Raš and the lord of Albania". great-grandson of the famous Byzantine emperor John VI Cantakuzin.[99]

According to local, Serbian understandings, as well as the Byzantine ones, "the despotic title was attached exclusively to the ruler's name, to his personality, and not to the territories he rules".[100] According to foreign, primarily Western understandings, despotic dignity was also attached to the country - Serbia.[101]

On the miniature from the Sphygmenian charter, the despot Đurađ "has a trapezoidal crown, open above with a raised central part of the upper edge; he is dressed in a ceremonial divition with loros; he wears a cloak, red shoes, and in his hands he holds an acacia - a charter and a cross-shaped scepter".[102]

The short-lived reigns of the sons of Đurđ Branković, despot Lazar and Stefan the Blind, after his death on December 24, 1456, are related to the period of complete Turkish supremacy. Đurđe's successor, Lazar, held the title of despot since 1446, when he married Jelena, daughter of the Moravian despot Thomas Paleologus and niece of the two last Byzantine emperors, John VIII and Constantine XI Paleologus.[103]

The dynastic and therefore the state attachment to Bosnia, certainly with Hungarian mediation, with the arrival of Stefan Tomašević, the son of the Bosnian king Stefan Tomas and his marriage to the widow of the despot Lazar, only strengthened the Turkish determination to possess the entire territory of Serbia.[104] Stefan Tomašević was granted the title of despot by the Hungarian king, for the first time in Serbian history. Later it became common.[105] With the fall of the capital Smederevo in July 1459, Serbian state independence was abolished for a period longer than three and a half centuries.

Despotes Stefan Lazarević, fresco from Manasija Monastery

Serbian historical traditions continue in a certain way, through the despotic titles of the last Brankovics, and later also of other great men, who attracted the attention of the Hungarian kings and joined their efforts to stop the Turkish incursion into Central Europe. Croatian nobleman Ivaniš Berislavić was enthroned as Serbian titular despot in a special ceremony in Buda in 1504. Then he married, in May of the same year, Jelena, the widow of the despot Jovan Branković, Stefan's son.[106]

In the fourth decade of the 16th century, the last Serbian titular despots, Stefan Berislavić and Pavle Bakić, disappeared.[107]

The appearance of the self-proclaimed Jovan Nenad, the Black Man, at the head of the rising Serbian masses in Pannonia, immediately after the Battle of Mohács in 1526, testified as much to the chaotic situation in the Turkish-Hungarian regions as to the more significant role of new social forces in the time that followed. the disintegration of former state institutions. "John, the emperor sent by God", as the self-proclaimed man called himself, did not rely on the Serbian tradition, but understood himself as a general Orthodox leader, primarily in the spirit of Byzantine heritage. Among his followers, however, he was accepted as a descendant of Serbian despots.[108]

During the centuries in which it was deprived of its own state and lived in new empires, first of all the Ottoman and Habsburg Monarchies, the Serbian people nurtured the awareness of the once existing state and its holy rulers. During the restoration of the Patriarchate of Peć, in the 16th and early 17th centuries, when the old temples were widely repainted and new temples were built, on a territory much larger than the former Nemanjić state, the popularity of St. Simeon Nemanja and St. Save, she was at her peak. Their portraits regularly decorated the entrances in the naves of churches.[109] There was also awareness of three coronation places in the Serbian land: St. Peter and Paul in Ras, Žiča and Peć.[110]

At the turn of the 16th to the 17th century, the memory of all Serbian rulers was cherished under the auspices of the church, regardless of whether they were canonized or not.[111]

During the great uprisings against Turkish rule, in a wide area from Banat to Herzegovina, the leaders of the Serbs chose foreigners as kings: Prince Sigismund Báthory of Erdel and Duke of Savoy Karl Emanuel I.[112] In the most dramatic moments of the Great Migration, in July 1690, the National-Church Assembly in Belgrade elected the Habsburg ruler Leopold I as Serbian king.[113] They asked for help in difficult times and at the same time kept the thread of tradition, regardless of the size of the compromise. The appearance of Đorđe Branković, the nephew of Erdelj Metropolitan Sava, a man with significant diplomatic experience, in the turning point of the Austro-Turkish war at the end of the 17th century, testifies to the vitality of Serbian medieval traditions and the presence of the will to restore the once existing state. On the failure and tragic fate of the "despot Illyricum Đorđe II" Branković, a myth was again built that was in the service of the previously described goals.[114]

After the migrations in the 17th and 18th centuries, there was a new enthusiasm in the cultivation of traditions realized in the changed situation in Hungary, in the Austrian Empire. The figures of holy Serbian rulers, in printed books and illustrated programs of churches and monasteries, play an important role, along with the strong oral tradition, in the preparation of the restoration of the long-lost state.

The leader of the Serbian national revolution, Karađorđe, was satisfied with the title of leader, as we have seen, recorded in that form already in the Middle Ages. In 1808, Karađorđe was elected as the hereditary leader of Serbia, but without the ritual, ceremonial forms that accompany the enthronement of a ruler.[115] Prince Miloš, like his heirs from the Obrenović family, was satisfied with metropolitan anointing. Confirmed by the sultan, in the title of Serbian prince with hereditary right according to Haticerif from 1830, the leader of the Second Serbian Uprising was anointed in the most solemn way by the Metropolitan of Belgrade in December of the same year. "Along with the sound of bells and the firing of cannons, followed by the shouts of the gathered people, the prince went to the church where, according to a specially prepared ceremony, he was anointed as a prince-ruler... The famous ceremony ended with the kissing of the consecrated hervania (a robe, the Sultan's gift), as a special sign of the prince's authority ". [116] The recognition of heredity in the house of Prince Miloš was an extraordinary success. This fact not only strengthened the position of the prince, but also contributed to the stability of Serbian autonomy. In the entire Ottoman Empire, only the governors of Tunisia had this right at that time![117]

Attention is drawn to the fact that the anointing of the young Prince Mihail in 1840, as well as the same act performed on Prince Aleksandar Karađorđević, who was established in the princely rule, during the Vučić Rebellion in 1842, was performed by Metropolitan Petar Jovanović.

Coronation was not even thought of until the proclamation of the kingdom in 1882. After all, until 1878, the Serbian rulers were in a vassal relationship with the Ottoman sultans. With the proclamation of the kingdom in 1882, Milan Obrenović and the political elite of Serbia at that time wanted to gain political profit and divert public attention from current issues and often behind-the-scenes work. "Relying on Austria, from whose support he expected much more than from our own national energy... carried away by the vanity that, although a small Balkan ruler, he would gain respect among foreign European dynasties...", Prince Milan accepted the suggestion of his conservative (progressive) cabinet, led by Milan Piroćan, Stojan Novaković and Milutin Garašanin, that he should be proclaimed king.[118] In the proclamation of February 22, 1882, the newly proclaimed king Milan the First mentions "such a flag of Obrenović", refers to prominent ancestors: Prince Miloš and the "martyr" Prince Mihailo, while already emphasizing in the first sentence that he "established the Kingdom", thanks to the "unanimous will of the people's representatives".[119]

The king's proclamation of February 22, 1882 came "completely out of the blue. In the midst of general concern, the progressive government created an occasion for national celebration. From the city, cannons thundered, the town (of Belgrade) quickly decorated itself with flags... The People's Round danced in the middle of Terazije". it was said that it belonged to Prince Lazar, King Milan gave up the act of coronation. It was actually the crown of the Erdelj prince from the beginning of the 17th century Bockkaj, with a dubious Balkan tradition.[121]

The last Obrenović, King Alexander, also "left without a crown" in the literal sense, but that's why his act of anointing was extremely solemn. On the 500th anniversary of the Battle of Kosovo in 1889, the thirteen-year-old King Alexander was anointed in the church of the Žiče monastery by the famous Metropolitan Mihailo, a political opponent of his father, King Milan, in the presence of the royal viceroys, ministers of the Serbian government and the Russian ambassador Persiani. Previously, the king attended a vigil in the "Lazarus Church" in Kruševac, laid the foundation for a monument to Kosovo's heroes, and on the way to Žiča, stopped in Ljubostinja, where a special memorial service was held at the grave of "Empress Milica".[122]

All the pomp and pathetic invocation of the past could not hide the true state of affairs. Metropolitan Mihailo is in conflict with the radicals, to the same extent as he was with the progressives before. "Looking like a quiet and gentle worshiper who could barely stay on his feet, Metropolitan Mihailo was one of the most power-loving princes of the church and all governments had trouble with him".[123]

With an effort to improve the painful atmosphere, created after the brutal removal of the Obrenović dynasty in Serbia in 1903, the newly elected King Petar I Karađorđević organized a ceremonial coronation on the occasion of the centenary of the First Serbian Uprising in 1904. Loyal to tradition, King Peter I considered the coronation necessary and necessary. He saw it as a "state and dynastic" need. Everything took place in the atmosphere of the devastated Palace, which bore visible traces of the recent coup. [the fragility and lack of prudence of the ministers, some of whom were openly opposed to the very act of coronation, made it difficult to organize the ceremony, which King Peter cared so much about.

After thinking and wavering, the coronation in Žiča "the place of old memories" was abandoned and the acts of coronation and anointing were separated. The king was crowned by the decision of the Government on September 8, 1904 in the Belgrade Cathedral. "The ritual and service were designed according to the form and protocol of the Russian imperial coronation".[124] The handle (handle) from Karađorđe's bronze cannon served as the base of the king's crown. The design for the coronation insignia was made by the architect Mihailo Valtrović. During the ceremony itself, Prime Minister Grujić presented the crown to the king, which Peter I himself then placed on his own head. Radomir Putnik added a scepter to the king, and the radical champion Aca Stanojević - a sceptre. [125] Ignored by the European courts, the coronation nevertheless did a lot in the domestic environment to revive traditions and establish the renewed rights of the Karađorđević dynasty. Finally, there was no lack of enthusiastic response from the Montenegrin court. The delegation from Cetinje was led by Crown Prince Danilo.[126]

The anointing was performed in the closest circle (ministers, bishops and retinue) on September 28 of the same year in the Žiči monastery. Metropolitan Inokentije Pavlović, from the famous Obrenović family, officiated. It is worth noting that the leader of the radical party and the greatest political authority in the country, Nikola Pašić, remained determined to the end that both acts - coronation and anointing should be performed in Žiča.[127]

The anointing was performed in the closest circle (ministers, bishops and retinue) on September 28 of the same year in the Žiči monastery. Metropolitan Inokentije Pavlović, from the famous Obrenović family, officiated. It is worth noting that the leader of the radical party and the greatest political authority in the country, Nikola Pašić, remained determined to the end that both acts - coronation and anointing should be performed in Žiča.[127]

The ceremony of introducing King Peter II into power took place on March 28, 1941, with the swearing-in ceremony, and on the occasion of his accession to the throne, a solemn thanksgiving was held in the Cathedral Church in Belgrade and in all places of worship.[130]

Source: "CORONATION OF SERBIAN RULERS", catalog on the occasion of the exhibition of the 8 centuries of the Žiča monastery, organized by the Historical Museum of Serbia and the National Museum of Kraljevo, 2007. The author of the text is Nebojša Damnjanović.

footnotes

[1] M. Blagojević, Nemanjići i Lazarevići i srpska srednjovekovna državnost, Beograd 2004. godine, str. 4.
[2] Isto, str. 5.
[3] S. Ćirković, Osamostaljivanje i uspon Dukljanske države, Istorija srpskog naroda I, Beograd, 1981, str. 189.
[4] Isto, str. 190.
[5] S. Radojčić, Portreti srpskih vladara u Srednjem veku, Beograd 1996. godine, str. 11 (prvo izdanje, Skoplje 1934. godine).
[6] S. Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarske insignije i državna simbolika u Srbiji od XIII-XV veka, SANU, Posebna izdanja, knj. DC XXIII,
Odeljenje istorijskih nauka knj. 18, Beograd 1994. godine, str. 24. U daljem tekstu Vladarske insignije i državna simbolika.
[7] Isto, str. 24.
[8] S. Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarska ideologija Nemanjića, diplomatička studija, Beograd 1997. godine, str. 60-65. U daljem
tekstu: Vladarska ideologija Nemanjića.
[9] Isto, str. 67; S. Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarske insignije, str. 124.
[10] Isto, str, 124.
[11] M. Blagojević, Nemanjići i Lazarevići, Beograd 2004. godine, str. 76.
[12] Isto, str. 103.
[13] S. Marjanović Dušanić, Istorijsko-politički kontekst scene miropomazanja u đakonikonu crkve Uspenja Bogorodice u
manastiru Morači, Manastir Morača Zbornik radova, Beograd 2006. godine, str. 50.
[14] Isto, str. 52.
[15] D. Popović, Srpski vladarski grob u Srednjem veku, Beograd 1992. godine, str. 44.
[16] B. Ferjančić, Odbrana Nemanjinog nasleđa – Srbija postaje kraljevina, Istorija srpskog naroda I, Beograd 1981, str. 308-310.
[17] S. Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarske insignije i državna simbolika, str. 45-47.
[18] Isto, str. 48-50; J. Kovačević, Srednjovekovna nošnja balkanskih Slovena, SAN. Posebna izdanja, knj. CCDŽV, Istorijski
institut knj. 4, Beograd 1953, str. 242; D. Acović, Insignije – znaci vladarske vlasti, Insignije dinastije Karađorđević, Katalog
izložbe N. Sad, 2006. godine, str. 34.
[19] V. J. Đurić, Sopoćani, Beograd 1991, str. 16.
[20] S. Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarska ideologija Nemanjića, Beograd 1997. godine, str. 118.
[21] S. Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarske insignije i državna simbolika, str. 23; S. Radojčić, Portreti srpskih vladara u srednjem veku,
Beograd 1996, str. 29; S. Ćirković, Unutrašnja politika kranja Milutina, Istorija srpskog naroda I,Beograd 1981, str. 466-468.
[22] J. Kovačević, Srednjovekovna nošnja balkanskih Slovena, Beograd 1953, str. 242; S. Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarske insignije i
državna simbolika, str. 163-164.
[23] G. Babić-Đorđević, Klasicizam doba Paleologa u srpskoj umetnosti, Istorija srpskog naroda I, Beograd 1981, str. 486; S.
Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarske insignije i državna simbolika, str. 52.
[24] G. Babić-Đorđević, isto, str. 487.
[25] S. Marjanović Dušanić, isto, str. 54.
[26] Isto, str. 53; G. Babić-Đorđević, str. 487.
[27] S. Marjanović Dušanić, isto, str. 54; G. Babić-Đorđević, isto, str. 417.
[28] S. Marjanović Dušanić, isto, str. 61, 62.
[29] S. Ćirković, Vladavina Stefana Uroša III Dečanskog, Istorija srpskog naroda I, Beograd 1981, str. 497; S. Marjanović
Dušanić, Vladarske insignije i državna simbolika, str. 57; B. Todić, Srpsko slikarstvo u doba kralja Milutina, Beograd, 1998,
[30] V. J. Đurić, S. Ćirković, V. Korać, Pećka patrijaršija, Beograd 1990. godine, str. 22.
[31] Isto, str. 22.
[32] S. Ćirković, Vladavina Stefana Uroša III Dečanskog, Istorija srpskog naroda I, Beograd 1981, str. 501-502.
[33] S. Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarske insignije i državna simbolika, str. 55.
[34] Isto, str. 56.
[35] Isto, str. 56.
[36] Isto, str. 56-57.
[37] Isto, str. 56.
[38] S. Ćirković, Vladavina Stefana Uroša III Dečanskog, Istorija srpskog naroda I, Beograd, 1981. godine, str. 510.
[39] V. J. Đurić, S. Ćirković, V. Korać, Pećka patrijaršija, Beograd 1990, str. 74.
[40] S. Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarske insignije i državna simbolika, str. 58.
[41] M. Blagojević, Srbija u doba Nemanjića, Od kneževine do carstva: 1168-1371, Beograd 1989, str. 162. (u daljem tekstu
Srbija u doba Nemanjića).
[42] S. Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarske insignije, str. 27; S. Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarska ideologija Nemanjića, Beograd 1997, str. 90.
[43] M. Blagojević, Srbija u doba Nemanjića, Beograd 1989, str. 162.
[44] Isto, str. 162.
[45] S. Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarska ideologija Nemanjića, Beograd 1997, str. 87.
[46] Isto
[47] M. Blagojević, Srbija u doba Nemanjića, Beograd 1989, str. 162.
[48] Isto, str. 162-163.
[49] Isto, str. 164; S. Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarska ideologija, str. 88.
[50] Isto, Vladarska ideologija, str. 92.
[51] S. Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarske insignije i državna simbolika, str. 128, 129.
[52] Isto, str. 128.
[53] Isto, str. 58.
[54] M. Blagojević, Srbija u doba Nemanjića, Beograd, 1989. godine, str. 166.
[55] Isto, str. 209.
[56] Isto, str. 211.
[57] R. Mihaljčić, Dva carstva, Istorija srpskog naroda I, Beograd, 1981. str. 574.
[58] Isto, str. 587.
[59] Isto, str. 588.
[60] S. Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarske insignije i državna simbolika, str. 64.
[61] R. Mihaljčić, Dva carstva, Istorija srpskog naroda I, Beograd, 1981, str. 588.
[62] Isto, str. 590.
[63] M. Blagojević, Srbija u doba Nemanjića, Beograd 1989, str. 219.
[64] R. Mihaljčić, Istorija srpskog naroda I, Beograd, 1981, str. 62.
[65] S. Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarske insignije i državna simbolika, str. 64.
[66] Isto, str. 64, 65.
[67] F. Barišić, Vladarski čin kneza Lazara. O knezu Lazaru, Beograd, 1975, str. 48-50; D. Bogdanović, Oživljavanje nemanjićkih
tradicija, Istorija srpskog naroda II, str. 10.
[68] F. Barišić, Vladarski čin kneza Lazara, str. 50; D. Bogdanović, Oživljavanje nemanjićkih tradicija, Istorija srpskog naroda II, str. 10.
[69] D. Bogdanović, Oživljavanje nemanjićkih tradicija, isto, str. 12, 13.
[70] G. Babić, Vladarske insignije kneza Lazaja, O knezu Lazaru, Beograd, 1975, str. 65, 66.
[71] Isto, str. 66.
[72] S. Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarske insignije i državna simbolika, str. 66.
[73] G. Babić, Vladarske insignije kneza Lazara, str. 68, 69.
[74] Isto, str. 76.
[75] S. Ćirković, Sugubi venac (Prilog istoriji kraljevstva u Bosni), Zbornik Filozofskog fakulteta knj. VIII, Spomenica Mihaila Dinića
I, Beograd, 1964, str. 343.
[76] Isto, str. 343.
[77] Isto, str. 351.
[78] Isto, str. 352.
[79] Isto, str. 353.
[80] Isto, str. 355.
[81] Isto, str. 355.
[82] Isto, str. 356.
[83] Isto, str. 362-363.
[84] N. Radojčić, Obred krunisanja bosanskog kralja Tvrtka I, Prilog istorija krunisanja srpskih vladara u srednjem veku, Beograd,
1948. godine, SAN, Posebno izdanje knj. CXLIII, Izdavač društvenih nauka, knj. 56, str. 82.
[85] M. Blagojević, Vrhovna vlast i državna uprava, Istorija srpskog naroda II, str. 111.
[86] M. Blagojević, Nemanjići i Lazarevići, Beograd, 2004, str. 413.
[87] J. Kalić, Veliki preokret, Istorija srpskog naroda II, Beograd 1982, str. 65.
[88] A. Veselinović, Država srpskih despota, Beograd, 2006. godine, str. 28-30.
[89] J. Kalić, Veliki preokret, Istorija srpskog naroda II, str. 66; M. Blagojević, Nemanjići i Lazarevići, str. 413.
[90] J. Kalić, Veliki preokret, Istorija srpskog naroda II, str. 66.
[91] Isto, str. 83.
[92] S. Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarske insignije i državna simbolika, str. 67-68.
[93] M. Blagojević, Vrhovna vlast i državna uprava, Istorija srpskog naroda II, str. 112.
[94] J. Kalić, Doba prividnog mira, Istorija srpskog naroda II, str. 214.
[95] M. Spremić, Početak vladavine Đurđa Brankovića, Istorija srpskog naroda II, str. 219.
[96] M. Spremić, Protivrečnosti balkanske politike, Istorija srpskog naroda II, str. 230.
[97] A. Veselinović, Država srpskih despota, Beograd 2006. godine, str. 29.
[98] M. Spremić, Početak vladavine Đurđa Brankovića, Istorija srpskog naroda II, str. 226.
[99] A. Veselinović, Država srpskih despota, Beograd, 2006. str. 29.
[100] Isto, str. 70.
[101] Isto, str. 70.
[102] S. Marjanović Dušanić, Vladarske insignije i državna simbolika, str. 68.
[103] A. Veselinović, Država srpskih despota, str. 85.
[104] M. Spremić, Propast srpske države, Istorija srpskog naroda II, str. 310-313.
[105] A. Veselinović, Država srpskih despota, str. 92.
[106] S. Ćirković, Poslednji Brankovići, Istorija srpskog naroda II, str. 461.
[107] Isto, Poslednji despoti, Istorija srpskog naroda II, str. 488-490.
[108] S. Ćirković, Poslednji Despoti, Istorija srpskog naroda II, str. 481-487.
[109] S. Petković, Velika obnova. Umetnost prvih decenija po obnovi Pećke patrijaršije, Istorija srpskog naroda III2, str. 369.
[110] R. Samardžić, Srbi u ratovima Turske, do 1683. godine, Istorija srpskog naroda III1, str. 324.
[111] S. Petković, Velika obnova. Umetnost prvih decenija po obnovi Pećke patrijaršije, Istorija srpskog naroda III2, str. 370.
[112] R. Samardžić, Srbi u ratovima Turske, do 1683. godine, Istorija srpskog naroda III1, str. 328-329.
[113] R. L. Veselinović, Srba u velikom ratu 1683-1699, Istorija srpskog naroda III1, str. 526.
[114] R. Samardžić, Srbi u ratovima protiv Turske do 1683, Istorija srpskog naroda III1
[115] R. LJušić, Vožd Karađorđe, biografija, Beograd 2003, str. 237.
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